LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Safety Workers are Compensated Well
In an effort to gain knowledge on how to vote on State Issue 2/Senate Bill 5, I listened to friends who reminded me that police officers and firefighters put their lives on the line and deserve every consideration. And since segments of my life have been somewhat at risk as a farmer, a fighter pilot and a helicopter pilot, each of which have had moments of high concern, I wondered how dangerous occupations rated and whether the salaries and benefits are commensurate.Internet findings gave me some insight.
Of the 2009 most-dangerous occupations, fishermen are No. 1, with 200 fatalities per 100,000 employed, and have an average salary of $22,160. Airline pilots have 57 fatalities per 100,000 and an average salary of $53,990. Roofers have 34 fatalities per 100,000 and an average salary of $41,200. Crop farmers have 30 fatalities per 100,000 and an average salary of $24,900. Livestock farmers have 14.9 fatalities per 100,000 and an average salary of $24,900. Police officers have 13.1 fatalities per 100,000 and an average salary of $55,400. Firefighters have 4.4 fatalities per 100,000 and an average salary of $47,760.
We always will consider police officers and firefighters to be our heroes, but when compared with others at high risk, some with even-higher skill requirements, I think their unions have placed an undue burden on society.
After due consideration, I will vote for State Issue 2.
JOHN A. STEVENSON
Circleville
State Issue 2 will hold line on spending
It's time to stop spending money. I have voted yes on every levy to raise my property taxes for schools, law enforcement and fire protection.
I believe in supporting these institutions, but now it's time to stop and assess the situation, because outside forces are corrupting these valuable institutions and those outside forces must be dealt with.
I believe the legislature and Gov. John Kasich took a bold step to deal with these corrupting outside forces and I support their efforts. Ohioans must vote yes on State Issue 2.
LINDA WOLLETT
Lewis Center
Issue 2
Collective-Bargaining Arguments
"As opponents push to get Ohio's new collective-bargaining law overturned on Election Day, there is no shortage of issues to fight about. A look at many of the bill's major provisions and how supporters and opponents have argues their points:
What
the bill does
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Arguments
in Favor
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Arguments
Against
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What
the bill does
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Arguments
in Favor
|
Arguments
Against
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Bans
strikes by public employees and imposes financial penalties for any public
worker who does strike
|
Public workers have good pay and
benefits, so they should not strike; unions sometimes use the threat of a
strike to bully employers to cave; children should not have to cross picket
lines to attend school
|
Strikes by public unions are rare, but
the threat give unions leverage in negotiations, avoiding an erosion of pay
and benefits; five everyone an incentive to come to the middle
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Eliminates
seniority as the sole factor when determining layoffs due to budgetary
shortfalls or enrollment reduction
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Allows managers to keep their best
people, who are not always their most experienced-people; cutting only newer
hires means more workers must be laid off because they re the least
expensive.
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Makes experience public workers very vulnerable
to cost-cutting moves, potentially leaving them with major retirement issues
because they do not pay into Social Security; increases the chance of
cronyism.
|
Eliminates
binding arbitration for law enforcement and firefighters, the process in
which an independent third party resolves a negotiation impasse.
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Unelected parties should not be allowed
to dictate contract terms that taxpayers have to pay for; threat of
arbitration can cause officials to give in to contract terms they do not
agree with.
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Process is rarely used, and when it is,
statistics show decisions split between unions and employers; process ended
public-safety union strikes, of which Ohio was a national leader in the
1970s; it brings definitive closure to negotiations.
|
Eliminates
guaranteed 15 sick days for teachers from state law; caps sick days for most
other workers at two weeks per year; caps accrued sick leave paid out upon
retirement at 50 percent of 1,000 hours
|
Private-sector workers generally do not
get such generous amounts of sick time; sick days are designed for unforeseen
illness, not severance; payouts of unused sick time can be very expensive for
local governments.
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Allowing accumulated sick days is an
incentive for people not to take off sick, which helps with attendance.
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If
a deadlocked negotiation cannot be resolved, allows the governing body to
implement its own last offer, after holding a public hearing.
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Voters elect leaders to make tough decision
and spend tax dollars wisely; people should trust that local leaders will be fair
to workers; the balance of power in negotiations has shifter too far to the
unions over the past 27 years.
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This would be a “fundamentally rigged
process” that is unfair to workers because it turns collective bargaining
into “collective begging” – no matter what the union offers, the employer can
reject it and pick its own offer;; lets employers just wait out the process.
|
Eliminates
“fair share” – the provision in many contracts that requires those who do not want to join the union to
still pay some dues because they are covered by the terms of the contract
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Workers who do not want to be part of a
union should have the freedom to not pay dues.
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Allows for “freeloading” where workers
can avoid paying dues but still get benefits from the contract negotiated by
the union, is aimed at cutting union membership.
|
Requires
public employees to pay at least 15 percent of health-insurance costs and no
longer allows union to bargain for health insurance.
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Proponents say the average
private-sector worker pays 23 percent, but at the local-government level,
public workers generally pay 10 percent or less; it’s no necessary for unions
to bargain for health insurance.
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Health insurance is an important part
of negations, particularly for lower-paid employees; the increased share for
many local workers means less take-home pay; state workers have save millions
for Ohio through health-insurance bargaining.
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Requires
more transparency of negotiations and terms of a union contract.
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Gives the public a more-complete
picture of total public-worker compensation beyond the increase to the base
salary; each side might negotiated differently if it know its final offers
will be made public.
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No major issues raised.
|
No
longer allows local-government employers to pick up a portion of an employee’s
share of pension contributions. Workers are to pay 10percent of their wages to
their pensions.
|
Pension pickups are used to hide raises
give to public workers; puts workers on an even playing field.
|
Pension pickups can be cheaper than a
straight pay raise because the employer doesn’t make Medicare, workers’ compensation,
or unemployment payments on that pickup; without a corresponding pay
increase, would be an instant pay cut for many workers; “hidden raises”
concern handled by other transparency provisions in SB5
|
No
longer automatically rolls over previous contractual agreement into the next
contract.
|
Eliminates the potentially costly “pancaking
effect” when a provision inserted into a contract for a specific reason is
almost never removed in later year, even if circumstances change; has eroded
management rights over time.
|
Can lead to draconian scrapping of
contact provisions that have value to both labor and management; starting
from zero can make for long, messy negotiations.
|
No
longer requires that unions be allowed to bargain for items deemed “management
rights” including staffing levels, building assignments, and promotions.
|
Gives managers more flexibility to run their
operations; rights should have never been given up in the first place.
|
Could leas to larger class sizes in
schools, fewer corrections officers in some prisons or fewer safety forces on
police and fire runs; could cause safety issues for the public and workers.
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Allows
voters to go to the ballot to reject a contract if the governing body picks the
more costly of the final offers and it is determined the contract cannot be
paid for with current revenue.
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Gives voters a chance to reject a
contract that is “out of whack” and could lead to local tax increases.
|
Hard to fathom a situation where the
criteria would be met to trigger a referendum; could lead to an ugly,
divisive community fight over the worth of certain public employees; yet
another way employees could lose out in negotiations.
|
Replaces
automatic pay increases for steps and longevity pay with a new system of
merit pay.
|
Quality of work, not years of experience,
should be the deciding factor in how workers are compensated; will produce
more-effective workers; allows mangers to reward exceptional work; limited
step increases still can be included in contracts.
|
Raises concerns of cronyism, especially
at the state level, where political appointees are the bosses; merit can be
very difficult to define; will push teachers to be even more test-focused in
their lessons, instead of teaching critical thinking.
|
No
longer allows employers to do automatic paycheck deductions if money is
earmarked for political-action committees, unless the worker gives written
authorization.
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Makes it easier for workers to decide whether
to give politically; brings situation more in line with how corporation
collect PAC money.
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Makes it harder for public workers to
participate in the political process at the same time the courts have made it
easier for corporations; could reduce the political power of public unions,
benefitting Republicans.
|
Reduces
the petition requirement for a public union decertification vote from 50
percent to 30 percent of members
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Brings Ohio law in line with National
Labor Relations Act; still requires a majority vote to decertify.
|
Another unnecessary effort to weaken
union power by making it easier to decertify the organization; lets the employer
interfere in union business.
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Read the full article here: Issue 2: For or against? | A Case for the Law
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